The other day I received an invitaion to take out a membership in the New Democratic Party. The Saskatchewan NDP is to choose a new leader on March 3. There are two declared candidates: Trent Wotherspoon and Ryan Meili. Both are elected members of the provincial caucus.
I
was a member of the NDP in the 1970s when there was an open caucus
within the party, known as “The Waffle,” the organization
committed to an independent socialist Canada. Since then I rejoined
from time to time to support individual candidates for leadership of
the provincial party.
The
Popular Base of the Original Party
The
NDP traces its history back to the farmer-labour and democratic
movements in the province in the early days of the last century. The
Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) party was formed in 1933
and elected government in 1944 with Tommy Douglas as premier. They
governed for 20 years, building a progressive political economy in a
hinterland area of North America. They were always the “good guys,”
representing the common people. The “bad guys,” were first the
Liberal Party and then the Conservatives the representatives of the
capitalist interests based in central Canada and the United States.
The Liberals under Ross Thatcher ran the province from 1964 – 1971.
The
Election in 1971 Reflected Major Political Changes
The
1970s were new times. The civil rights struggle in the USA had led to
political movements which had their supporters in Canada. There was
growing opposition to the Canadian government’s support for the US
government’s unpopular war in Vietnam. At the same time voices were
raised against the political economy of continentalism and the
domination of Canada by branch plants of American corporations.
In
general the Waffle movement was very influential in Saskatchewan. It
had a significent following in the NDP. In addition the Saskatchewan
Farmer’s Union, the Saskatchewan Federation o Labour and the
Saskatchewan Teacher’s Federation were growing in strength.
University students were becoming politically active. Public opinion
was moving to the left. Under the leadership of Allan Blakeney the
NDP won the provincial election in 1971.
The
Blakeney Government, 1971 – 1982
The
new NDP government was determined to change the direction of the
development of the province. This required a major shift to socially
progressive tax policies based on ability to pay. The resource
extraction industries, heavily dominated by large foreign
corporations, were challenged. The resource royalties they paid were
raised substantially. A Heritage Fund was created and royalties were
used to expand local ownership of the resource sector. The
Saskatchewan Mining and Development Corporation was created and
invested in the North. Part of the potash industry was nationalized.
The Saskatchewan Oil Corporation was created.
These
policies paid off. For example, social assistance rates were raised
from the poverty level to the basic needs level, the highest in
Canada. New social housing was built. Low income renters received
support, as did low income seniors. Unemployment dropped to the
lowest level in Canada,
Nevertheless,
the Blakeney government was defeated in the 1982 election. A new
right wing provincial party, the Conservatives, under Grant Devine,
formed the government and moved the province in a different
direction. They were guided by British Prime Minister Margaret
Thatcher and her team and pursued a right wing liberal free market
agenda. The NDP kept Allan Blakney as leader until after their defeat
in the 1986 election. Roy Romanow, a Saskatoon lawyer, was selected
the new leader. He represented the right wing of the party. The
progressive left in the party failed to put forth a candidate.
Grant
Devine’s government pushed through programs and policies that
confronted the progressive social democratic culture established by
CCF-NDP governments. Roy Romanow’s NDP limited their opposition to
debates in the provincial legislature. But they were greatly aided by
the actions mobilized by the Saskatchewan Coalition for Social
Justice. Across Canada similar coalitions were formed to oppose the
free trade agreements being actively promoted by big business
organizations. They included a wide range of popular groups including
labour, farmers, church organizations, students, women’s
organizations, the Environmental Network, etc. The crunch came when
the Devine government began to privatize the large Crown
Corporations.
The
1991 Election Resulted in a Major Victory for the Political Left
NDP
supporters expected a return to the Blakeney policies. NDP
candidates promised as much during the campaign. However, a major
battle erupted when the Romanow government brought forth its first
budget. It was a right wing liberal budget which raised regressive
taxes and cut programs. It followed the precedent of the Labour
governments in Australia and New Zealand, the neoliberal model of
social democracy. The Saskatchewan Federation of Labour and the
Coalition for Social Justice urged the Romanow government to follow
the path of Tommy Douglas’ government: pay off the provincial debt
over 20 years and keep pushing programs that benefit the majority.
But
the neoliberals were in control. TheNDP government completed the
privatization of the Crown corporations in the resource sector. They
privatized the Lloydminister heavy oil upgrader. They shut down the
Heritage Fund. They privatized the natural gas industry created by
Sask Power. They froze social assistance rates for eight years!
The
NDP managed to win re-election in the election in 1995, but voter
turnout fell from the normal 77%-80% to 57%. By 1999 voters began to
rebel. With a 56% turnout, the vote for the NDP fell to 39% and they
had to form a coalition with the Liberal Party to continue as
government. NDP memberships had declined from 46,000 in 1991 to only
8,000in 1999. Roy Romanow resigned as Premier and in 2001 Lorne
Calvert took over as leader of the NDP and premier.
From
the Natural Governing Party to a Weak Opposition Party
Calvert
continued the general neoliberal direction of the NDP. The most
significant action was to further reduce the royalty rates for
natural resource extraction. The right wing Fraser Institute declared
the Saskatchewan NDP to be the best provincial government in Canada.
Their survey of corporate directors concluded Saskatchewan was the
best place to invest, with the lowest taxes and few government
regulations. In the 2003 provincial election the NDP got 39% of the
vote; only 58% of eligible voters cast a ballot. In the 2007 election
the NDP vote fell to 37%, while 60% voted.
Calvert’s
government even repealed the Blakeney government’s popular
legislation protecting Saskatchewan’s farmland from froreign and
corporate ownership.
Lorne
Calvert resigned, and in desperation the NDP called Dwaine
Linginfelter back to lead the party. He had been Deputy Leader under
Romanow but had quit politics for a top job with an oil corporation.
In the 2011 election the NDP received only 32% of the vote, and voter
turnout fell to 51% In the 2016 election the NDP vote was only 30%
with a voter turnout of 53%.
The
two candidates for the leadership of the Saskatchewan NDP follow the
script that has been developed by social democratic parties over
recent years. There have been several televised debates, which I have
not watched. The media has reported that there were few differences
in policy. Both want to improve social programs, reduce poverty, find
housing for the homeless, create a pharmacare program, end corporate
and union political donations to political parties, and work to
implement the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation
Commission. Both are committed to defending the remaining Crown
Corporations, and both want to see a shift to green energy.
What
is notable is their refusal to confront the major social democrat
policy shift to the right beginning with the Romanow government.
There is no pledge to a return to a progressive taxation program. Why
should social democrats be satisfied with foreign ownership and
control of the resource sector? Why should they be satisfied with
resource royalties that are lower than those set by Sarah Palin’s
Republican government in Alaska?
The
NDP does not want to examine why their vote has fallen so far. They
don’t want to ask why so many members have quit. They don’t want
to ask why 50% of voters now stay home on election day.
Ryan
Meili will most likely be the next leader of the party. But it seems
highly unlikely that with this liberal platform he can win the
election in 2020. I will sit this one out.
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